Tuesday, December 4, 2012
Reordering Chinese Priorities on the Korean Peninsula | Center for Strategic and International StudiesWater Challenges and Cooperative Response in the Middle East and North Africa
Societies across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have long balanced the competing water demands of households, industry, and agriculture. Careful management of water resources has been an absolute necessity in this region where annual renewable water supplies average about 623.8 billion cubic meters (BCM), compared to Africa's 3,950 BCM, Asia's 12,009 BCM, and the world total of 43,764 BCM.
Recent developments that have imposed substantial stress on societies and challenged policymakers, scientists, engineers, and planners alike include population growth, migration, industrialization, urbanization, pollution, and global warming and other environmental change. Today, growing water demand, decreasing water availability, and deteriorating water quality affect environmental quality, food security, municipal infrastructure, economic development, and overall human security in most societies of the MENA region. Transboundary tensions threaten international peace and stability. These strains pose serious challenges to regional prosperity and social order. It is no exaggeration to say that water policy and water security are as central a determinant of the future well-being of the MENA countries as is governance or ideology.
http://www.stimson.org/images/uploads/research-pdfs/Doha_Water_Paper_Final_Published.pdf
Great Eastern Japan Earthquake: “Lessons Learned” for Japanese Defense Policy
The Great Eastern Japan Earthquake (GEJE) on March 11, 2011 was the worst disaster in the nation's recorded history. The triple combination of an earthquake, tsunami, and meltdown of the Fukushima Dai-ichi Nuclear Power Station dealt a severe blow to northeastern Japan, resulting in the largest and fastest mobilization of the Japanese Self-Defense Force (JSDF) since its establishment in 1954, and an unprecedented cooperative relief effort with the US armed forces, Operation Tomodachi. The JSDF's commendable efforts in the face of this challenge demonstrated its incredible strength and the US-Japan alliance, but the unprecedented nature of this disaster response also generated a number of "lessons learned."
This report, written by Yuki Tatsumi, documents the challenges faced by the JSDF related to its capabilities: from C4ISR (command and control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance) to logistics, and even the JSDF's capability to respond to nuclear accidents. It also discusses potential areas of improvement in terms of the JSDF's institutional organization, including enhancing joint-ness among the three services, improving JGSDF's organizational structure, and mental health support for personnel. The report also outlines the limitations of the current legal mechanism that launches bilateral defense coordination with the US in case of non-combat emergencies, and the need for the JSDF to find a relational balance with US Forces Japan and PACOM. Although the Japan Ministry of Defense has already started to implement these lessons, the report points to the challenges that the ministry faces in successfully implementing them, as it strives to develop the JSDF into a truly "dynamic defense force."
http://www.stimson.org/images/uploads/research-pdfs/Yuki_1.pdf
Friday, November 30, 2012
Cooperative Security Framework for South Asia | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
Cooperative Security Framework for South Asia | Institute for Defence Studies and AnalysesThis volume brings together views of some of the most eminent scholars and security analysts from South Asia on the challenges and prospects of a cooperative security framework (CSF) in the region. The objective of the volume is to generate debate on CSF and forge a consensus on the issue at the Track-II level. The contributions critically analyse such frameworks in different regions and explore whether it is possible and practicable in the South Asian region. Despite strong historical and cultural linkages the region has been suffering from underdevelopment due to lack of cooperation and cohesive policy. The region is also vulnerable to serious non-traditional security threats in future. There is an urgent need for countries to overcome mutual suspicion and mistrust, and work towards the evolution of a cooperative security framework which is both strong and binding.
India's Neighbourhood: The Armies of South Asia | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
India's Neighbourhood: The Armies of South Asia | Institute for Defence Studies and AnalysesThis book is an attempt to examine the role, relevance and status of the armies in the ever dynamic socio-political milieu of the countries in India’s South Asian neighbourhood. It is part of an ongoing endeavour by the area/country specialists at the South Asia Centre of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) to further explore and understand the role of a key institution, the Army, in shaping the political destiny and defining the ideational evolution of the (nation-) states in India’s South Asian neighbourhood. The book deals with the national armies of seven South Asian countries bordering India, namely Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Maldives, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. Various chapters in the book, focussing on the armies of individual countries, discuss the security environment in which each country is situated, its geo-political or the strategic significance, its threat perceptions, both domestic and external, the doctrinal orientation and strategic thought process of the armies, their origin, evolution, organisation, structuring, relationship with civil authorities and institutions, and the nature of bilateral/multilateral defence cooperation or security pacts. The contributors to the volume also trace out the likely trajectory of the future role and position of the armies in the given or evolving national and geo-political settings.
Thursday, November 15, 2012
A New US Defense Strategy for a New Era: Military Superiority, Agility, and Efficiency
The changing global security landscape and worsening fiscal outlook demand significant adjustments to national security strategy and budgeting, according to an extensive, year-long study released today by Stimson: A New US Defense Strategy for a New Era.
The report is the work of an independent task force of experts - the "Defense Advisory Committee" - convened by Stimson to explore the question of US defense planning and spending in light of looming defense cuts that are part of the Fiscal Cliff.
The diverse committee, which draws on the expertise of 15 former military officers, defense strategists, and international affairs experts, including General James Cartwright, Leslie Gelb, and Anne-Marie Slaughter, came to a consensus on how best to approach today's military threats and priorities. In addition to setting out ten key operating principles that emphasize greater efficiency and effectiveness throughout the Defense Department, the report concludes that a successful defense strategy could be achieved at budget levels significantly lower than present.
http://www.stimson.org/images/uploads/research-pdfs/A_New_US_Defense_Strategy_for_a_New_Era.pdf
U.S. Department of Homeland Security Contract Spending and the Supporting Industrial Base, 2004-2011 | Center for Strategic and International Studies
U.S. Department of Homeland Security Contract Spending and the Supporting Industrial Base, 2004-2011 | Center for Strategic and International Studies This report examines trends in contracting by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and the contractor base that supports it. It takes an in-depth look at contracts for products, services, and research and development (R&D) in DHS as a whole and in six of its key components: Customs and Border Protection (CBP), the U.S. Coast Guard (USCG), the Transportation Security Administration (TSA), the Office of Procurement Operations (OPO), the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), and Immigrations and Customs Enforcement (ICE).
The report is divided into five sections, including the introduction (Section 1). Section 2 focuses on overall DHS contract obligations, including top line department obligations as well as obligations for products, services, and R&D. Section 3 provides an in-depth look into contract obligations by the key DHS components and their obligations for products, services, and R&D. Section 4 analyzes department-wide contracting trends by three key contract characteristics: level of competition, type of funding mechanism, and type of contract vehicle. Lastly, Section 5 examines the contractor base supporting DHS and provides data on the top 20 DHS contractors, both in the aggregate and by the categories of products, services, and R&D.
The report is divided into five sections, including the introduction (Section 1). Section 2 focuses on overall DHS contract obligations, including top line department obligations as well as obligations for products, services, and R&D. Section 3 provides an in-depth look into contract obligations by the key DHS components and their obligations for products, services, and R&D. Section 4 analyzes department-wide contracting trends by three key contract characteristics: level of competition, type of funding mechanism, and type of contract vehicle. Lastly, Section 5 examines the contractor base supporting DHS and provides data on the top 20 DHS contractors, both in the aggregate and by the categories of products, services, and R&D.
U.S.-Turkish Relations | Center for Strategic and International Studies
U.S.-Turkish Relations | Center for Strategic and International Studies As the United States and Turkey enter the third decade following the end of the Cold War, they are enjoying a new era in their long partnership. Their cooperation has recently been enhanced by overlapping perspectives on the unprecedented transformation sweeping the Middle East as well as in a number of other regional and functional areas.
This report is the product of a year-long joint effort by the Center for Strategic Research (SAM) at the Ministry of the Foreign Affairs of Turkey and the Turkey Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). In addition to examining the opportunities and challenges the two countries have confronted in the past six decades of their alliance, it also looks ahead to those the relationship is likely to face in the future.
This report is the product of a year-long joint effort by the Center for Strategic Research (SAM) at the Ministry of the Foreign Affairs of Turkey and the Turkey Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). In addition to examining the opportunities and challenges the two countries have confronted in the past six decades of their alliance, it also looks ahead to those the relationship is likely to face in the future.
Monday, November 12, 2012
Net Security Provider: India’s Out-of-Area Contingency Operations
India’s economic growth and prosperity are increasingly being shaped by circumstances outside its borders. Most prominently, trade and access to energy are now critical components of the Indian economy. In addition, the Indian diaspora, which is a source of significant remittances, also needs protection and evacuation. Thus, India’s economic and national interests are gradually spreading outwards from its borders. Also, at times, the Indian military has been deployed for security operations – for instance, in anti-piracy operations off the coast of Somalia and in overseas humanitarian and disaster relief operations. In light of its capabilities and possible overseas role, the Indian military has been called a ‘net security provider’ in the region. This report, therefore, focuses on examining the Indian military’s Out-of-Area Contingency (OOAC) operations.
In examining this topic, the report analyses previous deployments of the Indian military outside its borders, including in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), evacuation of Indian citizens from conflict zones and in active operations like Sri Lanka from 1987–90 and the Maldives in 1988. It then examines the current capacity and trends for executing such operations. Finally, it makes recommendations not only for the Armed Forces but for other relevant agencies as well, such as the Ministries of Defence and External Affairs, the National Security Council and the Cabinet Secretariat.
http://www.idsa.in/system/files/book_NetSecurityProvider.pdf
India's Neighbourhood: The Armies of South Asia Share on facebook Share on twitter Share on email More Sharing Services Vishal Chandra
This book is an attempt to examine the role, relevance and status of the
armies in the ever dynamic socio-political milieu of the countries in
India’s South Asian neighbourhood. It is part of an ongoing endeavour by
the area/country specialists at the South Asia Centre of the Institute
for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) to further explore and
understand the role of a key institution, the Army, in shaping the
political destiny and defining the ideational evolution of the (nation-)
states in India’s South Asian neighbourhood. The book deals with the
national armies of seven South Asian countries bordering India, namely
Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Maldives, Pakistan and Sri
Lanka. Various chapters in the book, focussing on the armies of
individual countries, discuss the security environment in which each
country is situated, its geo-political or the strategic significance,
its threat perceptions, both domestic and external, the doctrinal
orientation and strategic thought process of the armies, their origin,
evolution, organisation, structuring, relationship with civil
authorities and institutions, and the nature of bilateral/multilateral
defence cooperation or security pacts. The contributors to the volume
also trace out the likely trajectory of the future role and position of
the armies in the given or evolving national and geo-political settings.http://www.idsa.in/system/files/book_ArmiesofSA.pdf
Cooperative Security Framework for South Asia Nihar Nayak
This volume brings together views of some of the most eminent scholars
and security analysts from South Asia on the challenges and prospects of
a cooperative security framework (CSF) in the region. The objective of
the volume is to generate debate on CSF and forge a consensus on the
issue at the Track-II level. The contributions critically analyse such
frameworks in different regions and explore whether it is possible and
practicable in the South Asian region. Despite strong historical and
cultural linkages the region has been suffering from underdevelopment
due to lack of cooperation and cohesive policy. The region is also
vulnerable to serious non-traditional security threats in future. There
is an urgent need for countries to overcome mutual suspicion and
mistrust, and work towards the evolution of a cooperative security
framework which is both strong and binding.http://www.idsa.in/sites/default/files/book_CooperativeSecurity.pdf
Tuesday, October 30, 2012
Raghavan on Reducing Nuclear Risks in South Asia
General V.R. Raghavan, the founder of the Delhi Policy Group and
the Centre for Security Analysis in Chennai, gave a talk in Washington on October
19, 2012, co-sponsored by Stimson, the Arms Control Association, and the
American Association for the Advancement of Science. A summary of his
remarks follows:
There is a rich and varied output in strategic and security writings on nuclear South Asia. South Asia is the post-Cold War test bed on which nuclear deterrence, escalation dominance, nuclear doctrines, force structures, command and control systems, and crisis management principles are being examined afresh. Western experts are not the only ones to benefit from this churning of ideas: Indian and Pakistani policymakers are also coming to their own conclusions.
Nuclear South Asia has a list of positives to its credit. India and Pakistan have been through a number of serious disagreements and tensions since 1998. Despite grave provocations and serious domestic political pressures, both sides have demonstrated considerable crisis containment or management skills. Military responses have not escalated beyond the conventional domains, and have avoided risks of nuclear escalation. Additionally, there have been meaningful Track II engagements between India and Pakistan that have helped clear the air on misperceptions and misinterpretations. The governments of the two countries have used this to better understand the security dynamic which operates during the build-up to and during crisis.
Phrases like "dangerous deterrent" and "unstable peace" have been used to describe the South Asian scene. In the decade and half since their nuclear tests, India has published its nuclear doctrine and Pakistan has indicated its thresholds. Both sides have put into place legislation and systems to improve safety and security. They have put in place command and control systems at strategic and operational levels. There is restraint in the nuclear rhetoric.
"Arms build-up" and "arms race" are a constant refrain on South Asia. Capability accretion is a reality in South Asia. One observer of the South Asian nuclear scene interprets this accretion in nuclear capabilities as a vigorous attempt by both states to seek strategic and tactical stability. He goes on to say that in India and Pakistan, strategic and tactical stability are not mutually incompatible, and that it has aided efforts to preserve the status quo and led to a decline in tensions.
The reported development of non-strategic nuclear weapons in Pakistan can either be viewed through this prism of a search for stability, or as a destabilizing development. If "tactical nuclear weapons" are to be used during operations, the Indian position may well be that a nuke is a nuke and the use of even a tactical one is a strategic strike. The Indian decision makers may not attach importance to either the yield of the weapon used, or the territory on which it is detonated. The response could well be strategic on the lines indicated in the India doctrine. The search for strategic stability will continue to drive the development of a nuclear triad and other capabilities. What remains to be seen is the speed and scale on which the strategic apparatus will come about.
What risks can we expect in the circumstances that prevail in South Asia? Given the desire for stability demonstrated by both sides, what trigger can introduce instability and raise the risk quotient? The first is that of nuclear security and safety. The second risk relates to a situation in which one side, more likely the weaker one, can initiate a crisis with a view to involving the major powers in taking sides. Past events bear out the reality of such crisis intervention by major powers in South Asia. Whether this will be a recurrent reality remains to be seen.
South Asia's leaders, not unlike US presidents in the Cold War and even today, cannot be oblivious to public opinion when it comes to nuclear weapons. The primacy of the political ingredient in nuclear risk reduction cannot be ignored in South Asia. It also offers the most promising area for new attempts in risk reduction. In the absence of the political element other measures will amount to no more than technical fixes.
Is there a 'Black Swan' in this sky which can ruin the best laid plans? What can surprise the two countries and international community? International terrorism and its extensive reach is the intangible danger which can upset the arrangements for stability India and Pakistan make, either individually or bilaterally. This is also an international or global security requirement. The Nuclear Security Summits during the Obama presidency have made a singular contribution on this. Such work will have to be sustained.
The future of nuclear risks in South Asia is not well served by the fear generated in the discourse on it. The sense of imminent Armageddon is never far from the American writings on nuclear South Asia. Such prognosis is not helpful to objective analysis. Where there are nuclear weapons there are risks. Even the most experienced states in this game cannot claim certainty or immunity in such matters. Fear, therefore, cannot be the basis for rational action.
http://www.stimson.org/images/uploads/research-pdfs/Reducing_Nuclear_Risks_in_South_Asia_-_Raghavan.pdf
There is a rich and varied output in strategic and security writings on nuclear South Asia. South Asia is the post-Cold War test bed on which nuclear deterrence, escalation dominance, nuclear doctrines, force structures, command and control systems, and crisis management principles are being examined afresh. Western experts are not the only ones to benefit from this churning of ideas: Indian and Pakistani policymakers are also coming to their own conclusions.
Nuclear South Asia has a list of positives to its credit. India and Pakistan have been through a number of serious disagreements and tensions since 1998. Despite grave provocations and serious domestic political pressures, both sides have demonstrated considerable crisis containment or management skills. Military responses have not escalated beyond the conventional domains, and have avoided risks of nuclear escalation. Additionally, there have been meaningful Track II engagements between India and Pakistan that have helped clear the air on misperceptions and misinterpretations. The governments of the two countries have used this to better understand the security dynamic which operates during the build-up to and during crisis.
Phrases like "dangerous deterrent" and "unstable peace" have been used to describe the South Asian scene. In the decade and half since their nuclear tests, India has published its nuclear doctrine and Pakistan has indicated its thresholds. Both sides have put into place legislation and systems to improve safety and security. They have put in place command and control systems at strategic and operational levels. There is restraint in the nuclear rhetoric.
"Arms build-up" and "arms race" are a constant refrain on South Asia. Capability accretion is a reality in South Asia. One observer of the South Asian nuclear scene interprets this accretion in nuclear capabilities as a vigorous attempt by both states to seek strategic and tactical stability. He goes on to say that in India and Pakistan, strategic and tactical stability are not mutually incompatible, and that it has aided efforts to preserve the status quo and led to a decline in tensions.
The reported development of non-strategic nuclear weapons in Pakistan can either be viewed through this prism of a search for stability, or as a destabilizing development. If "tactical nuclear weapons" are to be used during operations, the Indian position may well be that a nuke is a nuke and the use of even a tactical one is a strategic strike. The Indian decision makers may not attach importance to either the yield of the weapon used, or the territory on which it is detonated. The response could well be strategic on the lines indicated in the India doctrine. The search for strategic stability will continue to drive the development of a nuclear triad and other capabilities. What remains to be seen is the speed and scale on which the strategic apparatus will come about.
What risks can we expect in the circumstances that prevail in South Asia? Given the desire for stability demonstrated by both sides, what trigger can introduce instability and raise the risk quotient? The first is that of nuclear security and safety. The second risk relates to a situation in which one side, more likely the weaker one, can initiate a crisis with a view to involving the major powers in taking sides. Past events bear out the reality of such crisis intervention by major powers in South Asia. Whether this will be a recurrent reality remains to be seen.
South Asia's leaders, not unlike US presidents in the Cold War and even today, cannot be oblivious to public opinion when it comes to nuclear weapons. The primacy of the political ingredient in nuclear risk reduction cannot be ignored in South Asia. It also offers the most promising area for new attempts in risk reduction. In the absence of the political element other measures will amount to no more than technical fixes.
Is there a 'Black Swan' in this sky which can ruin the best laid plans? What can surprise the two countries and international community? International terrorism and its extensive reach is the intangible danger which can upset the arrangements for stability India and Pakistan make, either individually or bilaterally. This is also an international or global security requirement. The Nuclear Security Summits during the Obama presidency have made a singular contribution on this. Such work will have to be sustained.
The future of nuclear risks in South Asia is not well served by the fear generated in the discourse on it. The sense of imminent Armageddon is never far from the American writings on nuclear South Asia. Such prognosis is not helpful to objective analysis. Where there are nuclear weapons there are risks. Even the most experienced states in this game cannot claim certainty or immunity in such matters. Fear, therefore, cannot be the basis for rational action.
http://www.stimson.org/images/uploads/research-pdfs/Reducing_Nuclear_Risks_in_South_Asia_-_Raghavan.pdf
Diplomacy in a Time of Scarcity
The United States faces unprecedented challenges in conducting diplomacy and development as it responds to the residuals of three wars and a constantly changing global environment. At the same time, the outlook for the entire federal budget has changed dramatically. A new era requiring increased fiscal austerity has emerged, and it threatens to not only end recent International Affairs personnel expansion but erode recent gains before the needed improvements have been realized or new missions have been absorbed. In the face of these challenges, the most valuable resource Americans have in their foreign affairs engagement is the men and women of the Department of State and USAID.
To understand what today's fiscal crisis means for the personnel of US foreign policy, The American Academy of Diplomacy and Stimson, funded by the Cox Foundation, present a new study, "Diplomacy in a Time of Scarcity," that examines the challenges of the world today and the progress in preparing our foreign policy personnel for those challenges. Our analysis found that our diplomatic capacity has seen significant gains in the last four years and over the last decade but that these gains should not be overstated. They represent efforts to address long-standing deficiencies and shortages, and have not readied our diplomatic capacity for the challenges we already faced, let alone set us to proactively engage the changing challenges of tomorrow's world.
Today, our diplomatic capacity, on which the security of the American people will depend in the tumultuous decades of the 21st century, is not yet completely staffed, trained, and deployed to meet the challenges. Our recommendations are designed to close the remaining gaps in personnel and training.
http://www.stimson.org/images/uploads/research-pdfs/AAD_10_23_12.pdf
Thursday, October 18, 2012
Sunday, October 7, 2012
Iran's Nuclear Imbroglio at The Crossroads: Policy Options For India | Institute for Defence Studies and AnalysesThursday, October 4, 2012
Wednesday, September 26, 2012
Decoding the International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities Share on blogger Share on facebook Share on bentio More Sharing Services Ajey Lele
Space technologies are critical to diverse human activities including communication, education, navigation, and remote sensing, meteorology disaster management and military. Naturally, keeping the space assets secure has become a major necessity for the states. Any damage to such assets would lead to excruciating consequences. In order to ensure safety and security of these assets it is important to establish a mechanism for international cooperation relating to the activities in exploration and use of outer space. For this purpose the European Union (EU) had floated an idea of a code of conduct for activities in outer space in 2008. Over the last four years some discussions and deliberations on the draft circulated by the EU had taken place and certain modifications in their proposals have been carried out and accordingly the draft has been modified.
Appreciating the universality of this subject the EU has put forth this draft as an International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities for multilateral negotiations. This book debates a range of issues in regard to this code and presents a diversity of views from experts representing various parts of the world. These discussions involve largely the geopolitical, technological and legal interpretations of this draft.
http://www.idsa.in/system/files/book_OuterSpaceActivities.pdf
Thursday, September 13, 2012
A Decade of Implementing the United Nations Programme of Action on Small Arms and Light Weapons: Analysis of National Reports Sarah Parker & Katherine Green
The purpose of the Second Review Conference in 2012 is to review
progress made in the implementation of the Programme of Action to
Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and
Light Weapons in All Its Aspects (PoA) and the International Tracing
Instrument. This report seeks to quantify efforts to implement the
national level commitments contained in the PoA and the International
Tracing Instrument, in order to identify areas where implementation
has been strong and where examples of best practice may be available,
as well as to identify gaps in implementation and areas where implementation
efforts have been weak or have faced difficulties. The analysis
was conducted on a regional and subregional basis to identify trends
and patterns with respect to implementation efforts at these levels.The Second Review Conference provides an opportunity to assess the state of overall implementation of the PoA and the International Tracing Instrument, and set the agenda for the next six-year cycle. This report is intended as a resource to help states and practitioners prepare for the Second Review Conference by providing a detailed overview of states efforts to implement the PoA since its adoption in 2001, and the International Tracing Instrument since 2005, based on states' own assessment of their implementation efforts, as contained in national reports.
http://www.unidir.org/pdf/ouvrages/pdf-1-92-9045-012-G-en.pdf
Grand Strategy for India 2020 and Beyond V. Krishnappa and Princy Marin George
This volume presents perspectives on cross-cutting issues of importance to India’s grand strategy in the second decade of the 21st century.
Twenty-five specialists drawn from a wide variety of backgrounds provide incisive arguments for framing grand strategy in a complex world. Authors provide expert perspectives on wide ranging security concerns including India’s domestic socio-economic concerns; need for reforms in military institutions; India’s regional and global foreign policy; and global commons issues. The volume also addresses emerging security threats such as left wing extremism, international terrorism, climate change and energy security, and the impact of these issue areas in framing of strategy for India.
The authors in this volume address the following important questions: What might India do to build a cohesive and peaceful domestic order in the coming decades? What should be India's China and Pakistan strategy? How could India foster a consensus on the global commons that serve India’s interests and values? What strategic framework will optimise India’s efforts to foster a stable and peaceful neighbourhood?
http://www.idsa.in/system/files/book_GrantStrategyIndia.pdf
Return from the Precipice: Bangladesh’s Fight Against Terrorism
The image of Bangladesh of being a ‘moderate Muslim country’ was tarnished at the turn of the 20th century. The country known for its Sufi Islam was witnessing a spurt of Islamic radicalism. While delineating the threat posed by Islamic radicalism to Bangladeshi politics and by Indian insurgent groups to Northeast India, the book also focuses on their sources of finance. This book marks an advance over other works on the same topic as it discusses the actions taken by the Sheikh Hasina led Awami League government to counter terrorism. In the past the governments in Bangladesh not only denied the presence of Islamist groups within their territory, they also vehemently protested whenever India raised the issue of Indian insurgent groups using Bangladeshi territory for attacks in Northeast India. In the absence of cooperation on the issue of countering terrorism, the problem largely remained in the realm of speculation.
But now as the Bangladesh government comes out of its shell and cooperates with India and the wider world, many aspects of the problem have become known. The book also makes an assessment as to what extent Bangladeshi cooperation has helped counter-terrorism activities - especially in the Northeast of India.
http://www.idsa.in/system/files/book_BangFightTerrorism.pdf
Monday, September 3, 2012
A Call for Change: Higher Defence Management in India | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
A Call for Change: Higher Defence Management in India | Institute for Defence Studies and AnalysesThis monograph examines higher defence management and defence reforms in India. It deliberately coincides with Cabinet discussing the Report of Naresh Chandra Committee on defence reforms and aims to initiate a debate on higher defence management and civil-military relations. It includes papers by Air Marshal BDJayal, General VP Malik and Admiral Arun Prakash. Their argument is two fold. First, the current system of higher defence management is dysfunctional and needs major reforms. Second, such reforms are only possible through political intervention and may be even legislative action. Anit Mukherjee introduces these papers and in conclusion suggests a roadmap to usher in the next generation of defence reforms.
Journal of Defence Studies, Vol. 6, No. 1, 2012 | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
Journal of Defence Studies, Vol. 6, No. 1, 2012 | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
Perspectives
- Disaster Management in South-east Asia
-- Udai Bhanu Singh - Japan: Dynamics of Military Alliance in Disaster Management
-- Preeti Nalwa
Focus
- 2008 Sichuan Earthquake and Role of the Chinese Defence Forces in Disaster Relief
-- K.K. Agnihotri - The Chinese Disaster Management Mechanism
-- Sheo Nandan Pandey - Japan’s Disaster Response Management: Lessons for the World
-- Rajaram Panda - Sikkim Earthquake: Perils of Poor Preparedness
-- Nina Khanna, Jayender Verma and B.K. Khanna - Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR)in India’s National Strategy
-- Sarabjeet Parmar - Reassessing India’s Disaster Management Preparedness and the Role of the Indian Armed Forces
-- Shivananda H. and P.K. Gautam
Commentary
- The Role of the Trinidad and Tobago Defence Force in Disaster Management
-- Sanjay Badri-Maharaj - Aid to Civil Authorities by Army in Bihar: A Case Study
-- Satish Kumar - Role of Pakistan’s Armed Forces in 2010 Floods
-- Salil Saloni
Book Review
- Simonovic, Slobodan P., Systems Approach to Management of Disasters: Methods and Applications
-- Saurabh Mishra - Asimakopoulou, Eleana and Nik Bessis (eds.,),Advanced ICTs for Disaster Management and Threat Detection: Collaborative and Distributive Frameworks
-- Babjee Pothuraju - Stephen P. Cohen and Sunil Dasgupta, Arming without Aiming: India’s Military Modernisation
-- Ali Ahmed
Journal of Defence Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2, 2012 | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
Journal of Defence Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2, 2012 | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
Perspectives
- Defence Acquisition Institute: A Viewpoint
-- Mrinal Suman
Focus
- Competing Exceptionalisms: US-India Defence Relationship
-- Anit Mukherjee and Manohar Thyagraj - Perceptions of Kashmiri Youth: Security Implications
-- Vivek Chadha - Troubled Waters, Anniversary Parade, PLA's Power Projection: Is China a Concern for the World?
-- Nalanda Roy - India's Ordnance Factories: A Performance Analysis
-- Laxman Kumar Behera - Conflict and Cooperation in India-China Relations
-- J.K. Baral
Commentary
- The Complexity of Measuring National Power
-- Zorawar Daulat Singh - Cultural Heritage and the Armed Forces
-- Rajiv Tewari
Book Review
Journal of Defence Studies, Vol. 6, No. 3, 2012 | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
Journal of Defence Studies, Vol. 6, No. 3, 2012 | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
Perspectives
- Parliament and Defence Preparedness
-- Deepak Kapoor - Defence Procurement Procedure The Unfinished Agenda
-- Amit Cowshish - Stealth and Counter-stealth Some Emerging Thoughts and
Continuing Debates
-- V.K. Saxena
Focus
- Major Lessons from Operation Pawan for Future Regional Stability
Operations
-- S. Kalyanaraman - Revenue Procurement in the India Army Challenges and the Way Ahead
-- Venu Gopal - The Maturing of Russia-India Defence Relations
-- Richard Weitz - India Russia Military Cooperation Which Way Forward?
-- Rod Thornton - The Problem of Grand Strategy
-- Krishnappa Venkatshamy
Commentary
- The Military Media and its Relevance for China
-- Gunjan Singh
Book Review
- Armies, Wars and their Food by D. Vijaya Rao
-- Virander Kumar - Cruise Missiles: Evolution, Proliferation and Future by Sitakanta Mishra
-- Zorawar Daulat Singh - Maoist and Other Armed Conflicts by Anuradha M. Chenoy and Kamal Mitra Chenoy
-- Amit Ranjan
Tuesday, August 28, 2012
Resolving the India-China Boundary Dispute: Incentivising Cooperation, Enlargiing Bargaining Space and Promoting Constructive Strategies
Pessimism towards a foreseeable settlement of the India-China border
dispute is not unfounded. At the political level, there is a "trust
deficit" which impedes cooperation. Despite the existence of
multi-tiered mechanisms to facilitate resolution, there has hardly been
any progress on the issue in recent years. This paper identifies the
obstacles and explores how a peaceful settlement of the India-China
border dispute could be arrived at in the future. http://www.observerindia.com/cms/export/orfonline/modules/occasionalpaper/attachments/op_33_1337324255608.pdfIndia's Shifting Governance Structure:From Charter of Promises to Service Guarantee Niranjan Sahoo and Arjun Kapoor
Once synonymous with inefficiency and slothfulness, India's public
service delivery system is finally being overhauled and put on the path
of reforms. Ironically, these reforms are being spearheaded by a set of
state governments. This paper attempts to capture the key trends of this
impressive development which has far reaching consequences for
democracy and governance in the country. http://www.observerindia.com/cms/export/orfonline/modules/occasionalpaper/attachments/oc_35_1344504421934.pdfWading out to Sea: The Evolution of India and Indonesia's Naval Mindset towards Multilateralism
This Paper examines the evolution of India and Indonesia's military
strategic mindset, from inward-looking powers to budding naval powers.
It asserts that the two countries will have "no choice but to cast aside
the antiquated aspects of non-alignment and move toward a more
pragmatic approach to foreign policy, based on multilateralism."
http://www.observerindia.com/cms/export/orfonline/modules/occasionalpaper/attachments/op_34_1342006228215.pdf
http://www.observerindia.com/cms/export/orfonline/modules/occasionalpaper/attachments/op_34_1342006228215.pdf
Monday, August 27, 2012
Wednesday, August 15, 2012
National Observer 2012
by Adrian Morgan
The West's failure to understand Putin's Russia
by John Miller
by John Miller
Seven things you didn't know about China
by Jeffrey Babb
by Jeffrey Babb
Why do so many indigenous children
fail at school? Seven wrong answers
by Geoffrey Partington
fail at school? Seven wrong answers
by Geoffrey Partington
Britain's cowardly officers?
by Hal G.P. Colebatch
by Hal G.P. Colebatch
Reversing the decay of representative government
by Jeffrey Babb
by Jeffrey Babb
Lessons of history?
by Geoffrey Partington
by Geoffrey Partington
BOOK REVIEWS
Gregory Copley et al., Energy Security 2.0:
How Energy is Central to the Changing Global Balance in the New Age of Geography
Reviewed by Warren Reed
How Energy is Central to the Changing Global Balance in the New Age of Geography
Reviewed by Warren Reed
Mark Aarons, The Family File
Reviewed by John Ironmonger
Reviewed by John Ironmonger
Patrick Moore, Confessions of a Greenpeace Dropout
Reviewed by Bill Muehlenberg
Reviewed by Bill Muehlenberg
National Observer 2011
ARTICLES
Will Bush be vindicated?
A case for the Iraq War
by Jeff McIntyre
A case for the Iraq War
by Jeff McIntyre
Whittaker Chambers remembered
Elena Maria Vidal interviews David Chambers
Elena Maria Vidal interviews David Chambers
How the ABC maligned former ASIO director-general Sir Charles Spry
(Author's name withheld)
(Author's name withheld)
The demise of Australia’s secret ballot
by Amy McGrath OAM, PhD
by Amy McGrath OAM, PhD
BOOK REVIEWS
Christianity In Iraq:
Its Origins and Development to the Present Day
by Suha Rassam
Reviewed by Paul Stenhouse MSC, PhD
Its Origins and Development to the Present Day
by Suha Rassam
Reviewed by Paul Stenhouse MSC, PhD
Mao’s Great Famine:
The History of China’s Most Devastating Catastrophe, 1958-62
by Frank Dikötter
Reviewed by Jeffry Babb
The History of China’s Most Devastating Catastrophe, 1958-62
by Frank Dikötter
Reviewed by Jeffry Babb
On Enlightenment, by David Stove
Edited by Andrew Irvine, With a preface by Roger Kimball
Reviewed by Peter Barclay, PhD
Edited by Andrew Irvine, With a preface by Roger Kimball
Reviewed by Peter Barclay, PhD
Sunday, August 12, 2012
http://www.hrw.org/features/syria-documented-torture-methods
Torture in the Name of Treatment Human Rights Abuses in Vietnam, China, Cambodia, and Lao PDR July 24, 2012
More than 350,000 people identified as drug users are held in compulsory
drug "treatment" centers in China and Southeast Asia. Detainees are
held without due process for periods of months or years and may be
subjected to physical and sexual abuse, torture, and forced labor.
International donors and UN agencies have supported and funded drug
detention centers, while centers have systematically denied detainees
access to evidence-based drug dependency treatment and HIV prevention
services. "Torture in the Name of Treatment," summarizes Human Rights
Watch’s findings over five years of research in China, Cambodia,
Vietnam, and Lao PDR.http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/HHR%20Drug%20Detention%20Brochure_LOWRES.pdf
"Even a 'Big Man' Must Face Justice" Lessons from the Trial of Charles Taylor
This 55-page report analyzes the practice and impact of Taylor’s trial
by the United Nations-backed Special Court for Sierra Leone. The report
examines the conduct of the trial, including issues related to
efficiency, fairness, and witnesses and sources. It also examines the
court’s efforts to make its proceedings accessible to communities most
affected by the crimes, and perceptions and initial impact of the trial
in Sierra Leone and Liberia.http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/sierraLeone0712ForUpload_0.pdf
“Between Two Sets of Guns” Attacks on Civil Society Activists in India’s Maoist Conflict July 30, 2012
The 60-page report documents human rights abuses against activists in
India’s Orissa, Jharkhand, and Chhattisgarh states. Human Rights Watch
found that grassroots activists who deliver development assistance and
publicize abuses in Maoist conflict areas are at particular risk of
being targeted by government security forces and Maoist insurgents,
known as Naxalites. Maoists frequently accuse activists of being
informers and warn them against implementing government programs. The
police demand that they serve as informers, and those that refuse risk
being accused of being Maoist supporters and subject to arbitrary arrest
and torture. The authorities use sedition laws to curtail free speech
and also concoct criminal cases to lock up critics of the government.http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/india0712ForUpload.pdf
Angola’s Upcoming Elections Attacks on the Media, Expression, and Assembly August 1, 2012
The 13-page report describes increasing incidents of political violence
and intimidation. Human Rights Watch called on the government of Angola
to promptly address these concerns, and urged the Southern African
Development Community and the capital's foreign diplomats to raise these
issues with the government.http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/angola0812ForUpload.pdf
“The Government Could Have Stopped This” Sectarian Violence and Ensuing Abuses in Burma’s Arakan State August 1, 2012
This report describes how the Burmese authorities failed to take
adequate measures to stem rising tensions and the outbreak of sectarian
violence in Arakan State. Though the army eventually contained the mob
violence in the state capital, Sittwe, both Arakan and Rohingya
witnesses told Human Rights Watch that government forces stood by while
members from each community attacked the other, razing villages and
committing an unknown number of killings.
The report is based on 57 interviews conducted in June and July 2012 with affected Arakan, Rohingya, and others in Burma and in Bangladesh, where Rohingya have sought refuge from the violence and abuses.
http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/burma0812webwcover_0.pdf
The Jihadi Terrain in Pakistan: An Introduction to the Sunni Jihadi Groups in Pakistan and Kashmir
This report explores the origins, ideological underpinnings, and known
details of the various Sunni jihadi groups operating within Pakistan.
Since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, these groups have overlapped,
allied, and transformed for various tactical and doctrinal reasons. This
paper maps these alliances and cleavages in hopes of furthering the
understanding of the current jihadi milieu in Pakistan. While it is
widely known that al Qaeda has been linked to various jihadi leaders,
many reports presume a monolithic Pakistani jihad. However, the
distinctions between these groups are necessary to capture the full
picture.http://spaces.brad.ac.uk:8080/download/attachments/748/resrep1.pdf
Monday, August 6, 2012
Resolving the India-China Boundary Dispute: Incentivising Cooperation, Enlargiing Bargaining Space and Promoting Constructive Strategies Leon Bai 18 May 2012
Pessimism towards a foreseeable settlement of the India-China border
dispute is not unfounded. At the political level, there is a "trust
deficit" which impedes cooperation. Despite the existence of
multi-tiered mechanisms to facilitate resolution, there has hardly been
any progress on the issue in recent years. This paper identifies the
obstacles and explores how a peaceful settlement of the India-China
border dispute could be arrived at in the future.http://www.observerindia.com/cms/jsp/openfile.jsp
Friday, August 3, 2012
Assessing Track 2 Diplomacy in the Asia Pacific region: A CSCAP reader Edited by Desmond Ball and Kwa Chong Guan 2010
This book is intended to provide a critical assessment of the role of
Trace 2 diplomacy in the Asia Pacific region, and, more specifically, of
CSCAP. It describes CSCAP's formation and development, reviewing its
principal activities since its establishment, particularly with respect
to its relationship with the ASEAN Regional Form (ARF), its declared
Track 1 counterpart. It also identifies and analyses perceived
weaknesses in CSCAP's organisation and failures in its processes, some
of which derive from its fundamental connections with official
(governmental) agencies constituting Track 1. The main body of the book
is prospective, providing analyses of current and projected development
with respect to the evolving regional architectures, the increasingly
"crowded" institutional landscape, the place of ASEAN and the ARF in
contending architectures, the role of Track 2, and the increasing
challenges of non-traditional security issues. This sets the context for
the assessment of CSCAP's prospects for its next couple of decades.http://www.cscap.org/uploads/docs/CSCAP%20Reader/Assessing_Track-2-Diplomacy_Asia-Pac-Region_CSCAP-Reader.pdf
Nation Making in Asia: From Ethnic to Civic Nations? Muthiah Alagappa 2012
The nation state is the fundamental building block
of domestic and international politics. The power and influence of
countries rest not just on material power (economic and military) but
also on ideational power, and legitimacy of the nation-state. A country
that is weak in
ideational and nation-state dimensions cannot be a great power for long,
as demonstrated by the experience of the Soviet Union. The state of the
nation-state is thus crucial. Yet international relations scholarship
has largely ignored it. Most analysts in the scholarly,
political, and think tank communities often take the sovereign
nation-state for granted and speak blithely of China, India,
Indonesia,Malaysia and other countries. Originating in Europe, the idea
of the nation-state has a much longer history in that continent. http://www.isis.org.my/attachments/M_Alagappa_Nation_Making_in_Asia_Inaug_Lecture.pdf Friday, July 27, 2012
Understanding Impact of Police, Justice and Corrections Components in UN Peace Operations
Over the last decade or so, the UN Security Council gave complex UN peace operations broader mandates in police development, followed by mandates to help restore criminal justice systems and eventually for advisory support to national prison systems. The UN's rule of law community recognizes that an emphasis on quality of people and plans, what the UN calls a "capability-based approach," has to replace a quantity-based approach to meeting the requirements of such mandates.
The Stimson Center's Future of Peace Operations Program responded to a request from the Office of Rule of Law and Security Institutions (OROLSI) in DPKO, coordinating with its Police Division and Criminal Law and Judicial Advisory Service (CLJAS), to study the effects, or more specifically, the impact that police, justice and corrections components in UN peace operations have on the areas in which they work.
The study was set up to search for "minimum essential tasks" - those that 1) always seem needed in comparable ways across missions; and 2) seem to consistently have the desired effects on the host country's approach to police, justice and corrections. It found that while certain tasks may always be needed, their implementation is often dependent on characteristics of a mission's operational environment over which the mission cannot exert direct control. Missions face perhaps irresolvable dilemmas in being asked to deploy quickly into places where politics can prevent the quick actions that peacebuilding precepts dictate, or with resources inadequate to substitute for capacities that government lacks. That is, they often have resources sufficient to offer some security and stability but not sufficient for very much else. The study identifies areas where the imprints left by the police, justice and corrections components of UN missions are larger than those of other players and offers recommendations for those components.
http://www.stimson.org/images/uploads/research-pdfs/Stimson_Police_Justice_and_Corrections_Impact_Report_FW_small.pdf
Indian Ocean Rising: Maritime Security and Policy Challenges
The Indian Ocean is rapidly emerging as a key focus of international politics. Its strategic energy reserves and natural resources, the growing importance of its ports and shipping lanes, and the rise of India, Indonesia, South Africa, and other littoral nations as increasingly significant regional powers and global players are transforming the Indian Ocean into a major crossroads for multiple security, maritime policy, and governance issues. Rising flows of trade, investment, people, and ideas are linking the Indian Ocean countries to each other and to the rest of the world ever more closely. At the same time, enduring problems ranging from piracy on the high seas to weak and failing states on shore - as well as territorial disputes in the regional seas and mounting environmental pressures on coastal and marine resources - pose persistent challenges for maritime policymakers around the Indian Ocean region.
Indian Ocean Rising: Maritime Security and Policy Challenges explores the evolving security, socio-economic, commercial, and environmental trends that will shape the Indian Ocean region in the coming decades and examines their implications for decision-makers and stakeholders. The authors analyze issues including piracy, trafficking, and terrorism; the deployment of naval power; the commercial shipping industry; the future of the Law of the Sea; regional and offshore energy development; natural resources management; and rising stresses on the marine environment.http://www.stimson.org/images/uploads/research-pdfs/Book_IOR_2.pdf
India’s Neighbourhood: Challenges in the Next Two Decades | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
The chapters in the book take a prospective look at India's neighbourhood, as it may evolve by 2030. They underline the challenges that confront Indian policymakers, the opportunities that are likely to emerge, and the manner in which they should frame foreign and security policies for India, to maximise the gains and minimise the losses.
The key findings that emerge from this volume are: the geopolitical situation in the neighbourhood is likely to change significantly due to uncertainties in the global economy, chronic instability in the Af-Pak region, increasing salience of external factors in regional politics, continuing anti-India sentiments in some of the countries, demographic pressures, growth in illegal migration, and adverse consequences of climate change. However, there are also signs of greater desire for economic integration, strengthening of democratic institutions in some countries, and emphasis on regional cooperation. While India may face increasing security challenges due to instability in certain countries, there will be an opportunity for it to better integrate its economy with the region.
The contributors to the volume argue that in order to deal with the uncertainties in an effective manner, India has to fine-tune its diplomatic apparatus to proactively deal with emerging realities in the neighbourhood; systematically pursue policies for inclusive and equitable economic growth at home; build networks of interdependence with all neighbouring countries; significantly improve the quality of the country’s governance; take measures to deal with internal security situation effectively; build domestic consensus on key issues affecting India’s neighbourhood policy; sustain economic growth; adopt cooperative security approaches to deal with regional issues; and at the same time develop appropriate and robust defence capabilities to meet complex security challenges it is going to face in future.
Contents
ForewordAbout the Contributors
List of Abbreviations
List of Tables, Figures, Maps
Introduction
1. Afghanistan: Likely Scenarios and India’s Options
-- Vishal Chandra
2. Bangladesh: Illegal Migration and Challenges for India
-- Sreeradha Datta
3. Bhutan: India-Bhutan Relations in the Next Two Decades
-- Medha Bisht
4. China: Managing India-China Relations
-- Prashant Kumar Singh and Rumel Dahiya
5. Maldives: Harmonising Efforts to Mitigate Adverse Impacts of Climate Change and Achieve Growth
-- Anand Kumar
6. Myanmar: The Need for Infrastructure Integration
-- Udai Bhanu Singh and Shruti Pandalai
7. Nepal: Issues and Concerns in India-Nepal Relations
-- Nihar Nayak
8. Pakistan: Chronic Instability and India’s Options
-- Ashok K Behuria and Sushant Sareen
9. Sri Lanka: Challenges and Opportunities for India
-- Smruti S Pattanaik
Conclusion
Index
Tuesday, July 10, 2012
Sunday, July 8, 2012
American interests are increasingly at risk in the South China Sea due to the economic and military rise of China and concerns about its willingness to uphold existing legal norms. The United States and countries throughout the region have a deep and abiding interest in sea lines of communication that remain open to all, both for commerce and for peaceful military activity. China, however, continues to challenge that openness, both by questioning historical maritime norms and by developing military capabilities that allow it to threaten access to this maritime region.America's Civilian Operations Abroad: Understanding Past and Future Requirements | Center for a New American Security
America’s Civilian Operations Abroad: Understanding Past and Future Requirements, authored by Dr. Nora Bensahel, CNAS Deputy Director of Studies and Senior Fellow, and Dr. Patrick Cronin, CNAS Senior Advisor and Senior Director of the Asia-Pacific Security Program, examines the history of U.S. civilian operations abroad during the past 20 years and identifies several trends that are likely to affect future requirements.
The authors conclude that civilian agencies will need to address this growing mismatch, arguing that finding “new and innovative ways to distribute foreign assistance and conduct contingency operations may be necessary in the current fiscally constrained environment, but there is no guarantee that this will be sufficient to ensure that civilian agencies will be able to meet future requirements. Indeed, the greater the future budget cuts, the greater the chance that no amount of innovation will enable the State Department and USAID to effectively conduct routine foreign assistance and the contingency operations requested by U.S. policymakers. If and when that occurs, the ability of the United States to achieve its foreign policy objectives will be severely limited.”
The China Challenge: Military, Economic and Energy Choices Facing the U.S.-Japan Alliance | Center for a New American Security
The U.S.-Japan alliance is the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region, but it will confront difficult challenges between now and 2025 that could greatly affect its future. In The China Challenge: Military, Economic and Energy Choices Facing the U.S.-Japan Alliance, released in advance of Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda’s visit to the United States, Dr. Patrick Cronin, Paul Giarra, Zachary Hosford and Daniel Katz argue that the United States and Japan must address a host of defense, economic and energy security issues over the next decade if the alliance is to maintain its power as China continues to rise.
The authors conclude that “Whether a powerful U.S.-Japan alliance will endure into the next decade and beyond chiefly depends on how well Washington and Tokyo deal with major military, economic and energy challenges. Although each dimension of power is complex, basic policy choices will require coming to grips with the challenge and opportunity posed by a rising China.”
Sustainable Pre-eminence: Reforming the U.S. Military at a Time of Strategic Change | Center for a New American Security
Maintaining the U.S. military’s global pre-eminence is vital to protecting American interests and promoting American values. However, the Pentagon still has not enacted the types of reforms that are necessary to sustain that pre-eminence into the future. The reality of constrained defense budgets presents DOD with an opportunity to adopt reforms that will make the U.S. military more effective as well as less expensive.
In Sustainable Pre-eminence: Reforming the U.S. Military at a Time of Strategic Change, CNAS experts LTG David W. Barno, USA (Ret.), Dr. Nora Bensahel, Matthew Irvine and Travis Sharp argue that DOD should organize and operate America’s armed forces in new ways. The report outlines how DOD should strengthen joint force integration, downsize military headquarters and reduce its civilian and contractor workforces. It then offers specific recommendations for the Army, Navy, Marine Corps, Air Force and special operations forces.
America confronts a world in transition. Whatever the outcome of the November 2012 presidential election, America’s next president will face many challenges. To lead America wisely, the president and his administration must answer several questions: What kind of world does America face and how is the strategic landscape evolving? What are America’s core national interests? How should America pursue its interests and what threatens them? What opportunities exist and how can America seize them? How should America convey its purpose, both at home and globally? In America’s Path: Grand Strategy for the Next Administration, editors and CNAS experts Richard Fontaine and Dr. Kristin M. Lord bring together four strategists - Dr. Robert J. Art, Dr. Richard K. Betts, Dr. Peter Feaver and Dr. Anne-Marie Slaughter - with diverse backgrounds and perspectives to advance a common mission of promoting informed debate about America’s role in the world and the best ways to fulfill it.
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